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Hugh
O’Neill’s nine year war, waged in defence of his hereditary rights,
was at a critical point. O’Neill
asked Lombard to act as the representative of the Confederate princes to
the Vatican and Lombard’s career as a politician was started.
In 1595, O’Neill found himself as the last great hope of Gaelic
Ireland. With the
increasing anglicisation of the towns in Munster, Leinster and Connaught
and the spread of English law and customs, O’Neill realised that
Gaelic Ulster, his fiefdom, was seriously threatened.
He allied himself with the other Ulster chiefs and prepared for
war, a war that ended in 1603 with O’Neill’s submission to
Elizabeth’s deputy, Mountjoy (Elizabeth had died six days earlier).
It was Lombard’s great reputation that caused O’Neill to
petition Lombard to act as his agent.
Certainly their ancestries were totally different.
O’Neill, despite his upbringing at the royal court, was the
foremost Gaelic chieftain in Ireland while Lombard was representative of
the Old English. This term came into use in the early seventeenth century to
distinguish the descendants of the medieval settlers (overwhelmingly
Catholic in religion though giving obedience to the king in politics,
from more recent arrivals who were exclusively Protestant.
In the areas under Irish control, i.e. the rest of the country,
the people were, for the most part, native Irish.
There was little or no sympathy between the Gaelic Irish and the
Old English – the only commonality was religion.
The latter defined themselves and their religion within the
context of the political constitution, while the Gaelic Irish defined
themselves as a race.
Despite the apparent difference in politics, Lombard served
O’Neill’s interests until such time as the latter’s failure caused
Lombard to return to his own side.
All this, however, was in the future.
In 1600 Peter Lombard wrote his famous “Commentarius.”
It was written for the purpose of enlisting the sympathy and aid
of the Pope and the Catholic European powers for the confederate
princes.
Lombard
had never seen O’Neill. He
first met the old chieftain in 1608 when O’Neill reached Rome on his
final journey - he himself had left Ireland in 1572.
It is easy to see, therefore, from where Lombard received his
sources for the Commentarius.
This work, a treatise on the kingdom of Ireland, was written in
the interests of O’Neill. The last three chapters concentrated on the previous efforts
of the Irish people to obtain their liberty, on the successes of
O’Neill and the princes and on how to build on those successes to
secure, finally, the goal of a Catholic Ireland free from Protestant
government. In the work Lombard gives his estimate of O’Neill’s
character and - of great importance to the Pope - of his attitude
towards the Catholic faith.
“If one looks to his education…it was of such
kind that he is most thoroughly versed in the politics and affairs not
only of Ireland but also of England, in all matters relating to peace
and war. If one considers
his age, it was ripe for command, for though he had past his fiftieth
year, yet he was as fresh and active as if he had not as yet attained
forty. If one observes his
qualities of mind and body , he is brave, spirited, ready, temperate,
wary, patient, prudent, generous, affable, and has his feelings under
control that if it were necessary for the matter in hand to appear
serious or joyful, pleased or angry, he can most readily and in the most
natural manner exhibit these emotions.
Indeed he quite captivates the feelings of men by the mobility of
his looks and countenance, and wins the affections of his soldiers or
strikes terror into them. Above
all …he is eminently pious and devout towards God, and therefore
respects and cherishes ecclesiastics and such like persons.
Finally if his good fortune in this present war be considered,
one must greatly wonder at his success against the most powerful and
insolent heretics of all Europe…”
And,
again,
“Amongst
his subjects, besides the example of their Chief which, especially
because of their great affection for him, they were quick to follow, his
great prudence and diligence
succeeded in putting down the crimes of stealing, pillaging, robbery
drunkenness, concubinage, so that, in the whole of Ulster, law was much
better administered and enforced than ever before in the memory of man.
Before commencement of this war each one being so secure in his property
was proportionately all the more diligent and industrious in cultivating
the fields, and turning to profit the pastures, meadows and other
advantages of the land. And
so respected were priests and all ecclesiastics and religious that this
Chief would never address a priest otherwise than with uncovered head
until by him requested to be covered.”
In
1601, Lombard had been raised to the vacant Archdiocese of Armagh,
reputedly at the behest of O’Neill.
This was no sinecure. Indeed,
the three previous archbishops had died as martyrs.
Donatus MacTeigue had died after imprisonment and exile;
Dr.Richard Creagh died in the Tower of London and Dr. Edmund McGauran
had been killed on the battlefield.
Lombard threw himself wholeheartedly into his new task: money and
arms were sent to O’Neill through the Spanish nuncio and it was to
Spain, the foremost Catholic country in Europe, that O’Neill and
Lombard looked, as well as to the Pope.
The latter sent letters to the Irish people, urging them to join
O’Neill’s army and granted them the same privileges and indulgences
as were granted the Crusaders to the Holy Land. Despite all of these
entreaties no “Spanish ale” landed on Ireland’s shore and
eventually the war ended with the submission, on his knees, of
O’Neill.
The
latter’s playing of the “religious “card has called his commitment
to the Catholic cause into question.
In the treaty negotiations the confederate’s most dramatic
demand was for liberty of conscience.
However, none of the complaints, which they had made hitherto,
related to religious persecution. The
reason why they now chose to make this demand must therefore have been
primarily political rather than devotional…the clarion call of
religion was intended to strengthen the confederates’ request for
Spanish assistance and to widen their appeal at home.
Thus ended Lombard’s flirtation with O’Neill and the Gaelic
chiefs. In 1614 when
writing about the Acts for recognition of the king’s title and for the
attainder of O’Neill and Tyrconnell, he described the princes as
“certain
notorious persons, who had fled from the region a few years before.
Catholics indeed by profession, they were adjudged and sentenced
by these their compatriots as guilty of various excesses and crimes
against the king and the state. When
these (crimes) had become known to the catholics assembled in
parliament, they voted to declare them enemies of the king and of the
fatherland, and to confiscate to the crown all the lands that they had
once possessed.”
The break with O’Neill and Tyrconnell was, indeed,
complete. Lombard realised
that with any hope of a Spanish invasion scattered, literally, to the
four winds, he must now make some accommodation with the king, James I
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